The ruling class increasingly reduces the democratic Rights which were granted to us so “mercifully”. Naturally one must stand up against repression. But it is pointless to defend democratic rights against the democratic state. This would only mean to defend ones illusions in democracy against the democratic reality. For democracy is nothing more then a political form of capitalist dictatorship. The Freedom of the Press is nothing more then the right of media-capitalists to sell their own opinions as public opinion. Freedom of speech can only exist for all when all printing houses etc are socialized and managed by a collective of free producers. Our proletarian class has no access to the resources of social power under capitalist dictatorship; political freedom can only mean the right of all politicians to organize themselves. But the organisation of politicians as the political puppets of capital is always an organisation against the working class. If one doesn’t control the means of production, which are the source of social life, one obviously can’t control one’s own life freely. Today, we proletarians are objects of capitalist Exploitation at work, and objects of political schemes in society. For us workers, “Politics” always means administration of capitalist misery and heteronomy. This simple fact also explains the misery of the political Left. The resistance against daily capitalist misery can only be antipolitical! Only social resistance against all politicians is an effective resistance against political repression. All these leftwing polticians seem to care about political freedom as long as they remain in the opposition, but as soon as these “brave freedom fighters” enter goverment, they begin to repress other political movements. That’s the necessary character of socialdemocracy: Half rebel and half policeman! Even most politicians from “communist” parties act as radical socialdemocrats and show themselves as the funniest and most harmless jesters of the bourgeoisie. They obstruct social resistance with their democratic servility. In eastern Europe, in Asia, Africa and Cuba “communist” parties had established statecapitalist dictatoriships in which private capitalists were expropriated and the workers exploited by the “socialist” state. It’s obvious for revolutionaries that one can hardly fight against the state with socialdemocrats of party “communists”, just as one can’t fight against imperialism with the “Bundeswehr”(german army). The political Left is the leftwing of capitalist dictorship and as such part of bourgeois counterrevolution. That’s why the working class can only place its hope in its own power and must stop trusting leftwing politicians. Many leftwing´politicians try to cover up their weakness with pseudoradical phrases. But the ruling class exactly knows what game is played: Barking dogs dont bite! Especially before elections and in goverment the political left shows itself to be a toothless lap-dog of capitalism. Revolutionaries don’t focus their resistance on institutions like “elections”: the heart of proletarian resistance is the the workplace where the workingclass is the strongest force and potentially can crush the dictatorship of capital. This fact has been recognized by the ruling class, that’s why repression in workplaces is much harsher than in public. In its anxiety about industrial peace the bourgeoisie can often rely on the union-bureaucracy. Unions can only negotiate with capital about custom work-exloitation but are unable and unwilling to smash it. Many Union leaders earn pretty well in their role as co-manager. They are petty-bourgeois in a material sense and not seldom their conscousness is a petty-bourgeois one. Unionleaders become profiteurs of capitalist exploitation and through their petty-bourgeois class instincts advocates of bourgeois society. Our hope lays in workers’ action from below, not in petty-bourgeois Bureaucrats. In many cases workers have began, with or without revolutionary consciousness, to break the binds of Union leadership and establish workers-contol over workers’ action. Unions always take a hostile position to workers who leave the legal union-bonds. In conflicts between workers and unions, unionbureaucrats show themselves as civilian policeman and class enemies of the proletariat.
Day-to-day resistance of workers usually shows itself at the workplace in hidden actions. For example it can be a form of classtruggle to dally, to skip work, to steal small products or even to appropriate/damage the means of production. In capitalism the means of production become a weapon in classstruggle, wich today is in the hands of capital. With this weapon capitalists can squeeze dry workers like lemons and kick them away after usage. The anwer of many workers is hidden classwar: Hidden destruction of means of production, or hidden production for own use. All these different forms of resistance are illegal and militant but yet hidden from the public eye. In the apparent calm of bourgeois everyday life the social explosion is prepared.
Overt forms of selforganized workersactions are wildcats or occupations. In small actions workers don’t form official organizations (strike comitees, workers brigades, independent workers associations….) , in these situations the direct action is the unoffical coalition of the fighting workers. Petty-bourgeois philistines can only see “spontanity” in such selforganized workers-actions. These Ladys and Gentlemen cant see the forest for the sake of the trees. Ladys and Gentlemen, these “spontanious” actions are the forms of proletarian organisation. This direct coalition of workers in action is the base for all offical proletarian organisations like strike-comitees and workerscouncils. The wildcat of Opel-workers in october 2004 ( in germany, bochum) and many other examples show claerly that the working class don’t has to beg for democratic rights but instead can fight self-confident for its own aims.
Proletarian Revolutions can not be politically organized because they develop through the social conflict between work and capital. But of course we must prepare practically and theoretically. The best preperation is to strengthen our classconsiousness and selforganisation. A selfconsciouss and selforganized proletarian class is the biggest threat to capitalism. All counterrevolutionary political groups, including fashists, democrats and many “communist”partys will stand side by side against this threat. In germany the SPD (socialdemocratic party of germany) and the fashist “Freikorps” fought togheter against revolutionary classwar from 1918 to 1923. Noske-terror (Noske: Socialdemocratic politician) killed most revolutionaries. Socialdemocracy had laid the foundation for fashism. In russia the workers were opressed by the “workers”party of lenin and trotzki. These “red” politicians turned workers councils into forms of political administration from above and crushed the proletarian resistance. In March 1921 the rebells of kronstadt began theire brave struggle aganinst bolshevik statecapitalism. This last desperate attempt to defend workerspower was shattered by the “soviet” state involving lenin and trotzki. Since 1921 an ocean of blood seperates us revolutionary workers from “communist”partys.
We have learned our lesson from history. We will never again be betroven, neither by socialdemocrats, “communist”partys nor unionleaders, we are about to begin to organize ourselves against capital and state independently. We dont want to be proletarians any more, we wont to be free humans.